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Experts Note That More Teenagers Becoming Attracted to Computer Crime
Security experts warn more and more teenagers are now into hi-tech computer crime. Alarmingly large number of teenagers are found peddling credit card numbers, phishing kits and cracking tips in some Internet forums. The young offenders are very likely to get caught and prosecuted due to their inferior technical skills, claim experts.
Swapping malicious programs, knowledge, stolen data, exploits and virus code are very popular with teenagers exposed to the world of computer crime. Online communities and web forums sharing application cracks, exotic exploits and virus code make it easy for teens to do the illegal activities. Many nuisance programs are written by teenagers to exploit users of social networking sites, says Chris Boyd, director of malware research at FaceTime Security.
“Some are quite crude, some are clever and some are stupid,” said Mr Boyd. Attempts to make money by dabbling in cyber crime quite often fails due to a lack of technical skills. “They do not even know enough to get a simple phishing or attack tool right,” said Kevin Hogan, a senior manager of Symantec Security Response. The teenagers often end up damaging their own PCs by the viruses they have written.
Teenagers desire to win recognition for their exploits make them post revealing videos in sites such as YouTube. They commonly sign on with the same alias used to crack a site, run a phishing attack or write a web exploit. They are thus easily tracked down by computer security experts.
Mathew Bevan, arrested as a teenager cyber criminal and then acquitted, says teens enjoy the “thrill and power to prove they are somebody”. Thus they end up sticking to the same alias, even at a risk of being caught. “The aim of what they are doing is to get the fame within their peer group,” he said. “They spend months or years developing who they are and their status. They do not want to give that up freely.” Look over this directory for further information.
Graham Robb, a board member of the Youth Justice Board, cautions about the life-long stigma on being caught. “If they get a criminal record it stays with them,” he said. “A Criminal Records Bureau check will throw that up and it could prevent access to jobs.”
Directed and Strategic Deployment of Police Officers to Lower Crime Rates
Throughout the history of law enforcement in the United States, the manner in which service has been delivered continues to be a tremendous challenge to overcome. It seems that from one generation to the next, police departments, whether through self-direction or external pressures, have been tasked with managing personnel in such a manner in order to continue to meet a given community’s needs, objectives, problems, and directions despite the level of resources made available to them.
Typically, each era of policing has come about as a matter of evolution, or what is generally called a period of “reform,” in response to a community’s expectation of the service being provided. If each generation of reform were to be viewed as a paradigm, the movement from one paradigm to another could be referred to as a “paradigm shift,” fueled by a “continued demand for safer, more effective and efficient ways to police communities”. The purpose of this paper was to investigate whether the introduction of a crime-control model (based in part on the concepts of COMPSTAT) in one southern California city was effective in reducing crime.
One of the first paradigm shifts followed on the heels of political influence and police corruption, which came about in the middle of the 20th century. This “professional” model of policing is also recognized as the “rational-legal bureaucratic” model, which valued a centralized and bureaucratic command structure. During the “professional” era, the primary principles associated with this model were the development of technical skills, training, education, and adherence to the role of crime fighting. Measurement for success was nested in crime statistics such as the number of arrests and response times. Officers were expected to gather “just the facts” and patrol their beats in a random fashion between calls for service as a means to deter criminal conduct.
Officer Deployment Video
Given the era and circumstances within the communities and demands on policing, the professional model worked. Between the mid-1900s and into the 1980s our social environment changed, expectations evolved, and, in turn, so did the delivery of police services. In 1968, the President’s Commission on Disorder “urged law enforcement to repair its relationship with minority populations and other special interests groups and to “humanize” the behavior of police officers”. The website Everything San Diego serves as a useful reference on this topic.
As a result, policing eventually evolved into what is known as the “community-oriented-policing” era, which did not happen immediately or whole-heartedly by all law enforcement agencies. Some have maintained that community-oriented policing is more talk than action, ineffective, and a mere philosophy that has failed to be actualized by many departments.
Whether police departments embraced the idea of community-oriented policing or not, there was certainly a demand for a higher, more personalized, level of service by the citizens being served. As a summary of this demand and what the expectation looks like at its optimum level of implementation, Walsh and Vito write, “… in its most ideal form, community policing posits that each community or neighborhood area should be policed in accordance with neighborhood needs and values.”
In other words, each community would receive a personalized delivery of service wherein beat officers cater to the community’s crime and quality of life problems as identified by the community itself. For this to occur, officers need to become intimately familiar with the community, neighborhood, business district, and/or enclave he/she patrols on a daily basis.
Crime Prevention Video
Despite its political correctness and feel-good collaborative components, community-oriented policing fell short of its overall expectation. Many departments, at best, implemented a watered-down version, which proved to be ineffective. For other departments, it became a philosophy that was spoken in public, but never truly translated to action beyond the level of a subunit (e.g., problem-oriented or special enforcement team) of the department. Moreover, one of the greatest weaknesses in this model of policing is due to its strategy, which is “dependent on the lowest, often less experienced members of the police department who are ill prepared to address complex community problems”. While crime rates remained high, public fear of victimization continued, and an overall sense that the quality of life in many communities remained low, a new era in policing was developing.
In their analysis of eight cities that implemented community policing programs, Sadd and Grinc found several challenges that limited the success of this innovative style of policing. In part, the difficulties discovered were internal to the culture and perception of the police officers, whereas others were due to external community forces. These challenges included officers’ resistance to change, their possession of only an elementary understanding of the principles of community policing despite efforts to train them, and their failure to see how this was related to “real” police work. The eric.com.co site has additional details on this subject.
Commenting on the officers’ perception that community policing was another “politically driven” fad, Sadd and Grinc state, “Some took comfort from the fact that a long list of new projects and restructurings had come and gone without significantly changing the way policing is performed.” Essentially, there was a lack of acceptance by the officers, and their pessimistic view of community policing was that community policing was not novel, but repackaged the principles of “good, old-fashioned policing”. From the perspective of the community, Sadd and Grinc learned that those neighborhoods that could benefit most from the program (i.e., people living in public housing or underprivileged communities) knew little about community policing beyond “picnics, block parties and events for children”. Moreover, like those officers who saw community policing as a phase that would soon pass, community members also held a similar point of view and “define community policing as “just another program” in which services are here today but gone tomorrow”.
In spite of the efforts made by law enforcement departments in the past, most continue to struggle with an accurate understanding of crime in our society, and more importantly, they fail to recognize their role. Although this paper addresses contemporary issues facing law enforcement, we suggest that the issue is law enforcement’s inability, inefficiency to keep pace with emerging best practices, or unwillingness to recognize its responsibility to do everything in its power to provide the best level of service to reduce crime in our communities. Until law enforcement actually embraces this role, its delivery of service will forever remain an existing issue.
For some time now, many academics and police practitioners have believed that the police could not control crime. There are simply too many social forces that cause criminal behavior for the police to have a direct impact. Some naiveté has given way to more recent research and results from the emerging trend in law enforcement. It should be noted that our use of the term “emerging trend” is a loose interpretation because the concept and development of this latest paradigm shift began more than 17 years ago, but is still finding its way into police departments, big and small, across the United States.
Some researchers assert that crime is caused by poverty, racism and economic injustices, economic, social, demographic, and ethnographic forces, and/or “… social issues, such as poverty, drugs, and unemployment”. Explaining why it was believed that the police could not impact crime, McDonald further states, “Police functioned using traditional enforcement methods of arrest, with the belief that although they could impact individual crime patterns through the arrest of an individual, for the most part they were handicapped in being able to change the flow of crime.” In spite of this perspective, and with very little empirical evidence, several police executives have taken credit for crime decreases as a result of their policing practices. In their research, Rosenfeld et al. noted that not all administrators are quick to claim credit for a decrease in crime. The more cautious executives recognize they will eventually be called upon to explain the increases as well.
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